Meru’s Seeds of Wisdom
“Twathama, twathama. Tweta Rinyuri. Mugumo, mugumo. Jutigwe, ntiu.”
“We [the spirits] move, we move. We go to Rinyuri [a place]. The sacred fig tree, the sacred fig tree. It will be axed, when we are gone.”
Tales so artfully told that they would keep anyone who listened spellbound. Interesting word, don’t you think? Spellbound! Perfect for this occasion.
Supernatural connections of the Merovingian dynasty…finally! I’ve been doing this kind of work for almost ten years…tens of thousands of hours spent researching the end days and prophecy as it relates to The Bible. And finally, I’ve made the connection!
WARNING: In this rich document, we have issues that deal with very heavy subjects such as divination (witchcraft), and supernatural bloodlines…and must be read with caution. Discernment needs to be utilized because of the depth of this subject.
WITHOUT EXCEPTION: Please, unless you are grounded in your relationship with GOD…don’t read any further.
Before we get into the whole of it, I want to say that I expect people to brush this off as lies and fiction but it’s not. These connections are being made now because of the times we live in. We are in the last days and the veil that stands between the natural and supernatural is thinning, even as we stand. Because of this GOD is revealing the mysteries of The Bible.
I believe these people who are question here are the missing link! No. I’m not talking about Lucy and some monkeys…I’m talking about the missing key elements that bring everything together so that The Bible can be fully understood.
To be sure….this is something that is not just a part of these people/tribes history but remains to this very day, a means of practice and religion. It’s sacred to them!
Fear of the occult is pervasive in Meru; witchcraft is inscribed in the consciousness of the area and is expressed in a repertoire of stories.
Strange enough, these stories of witchcraft present in these areas today…are done so in the secrecy of night.
Composed of continuously evolving legends which make up the past, present and future. These translate as fiction but are true. And until now, I don’t think there’s anyone who comes close to these except for “Watch Unto Prayer” In fact, I’m sure that these people don’t want you to make these connections. Consequently, the “god” these people speak of is NOT the same as within The Bible.
The Meru, Amîîrú (Ameru), “Ameru” or Ngaa people inhabit the Meru region of Kenya. People that held their past with esteem, and their witchcraft as a religion…and the wizard, their high priest.
I’m sure you could research these people and find many interesting details about their history but there’s a fringe aspect that sets these legends apart from any other.
The person(s) who did this collection of traditions of these people took months to detail. Many would like to tell you that this is all fiction and made-up but the truth is, it’s very real.
This is a VERY long research page. But, it’s important that we make some connections, so if you want to read it all..I am posting the link within the article.
I’ve taken excerpts of this book, only partial bits and pieces meant to reveal these people and their traditions.
You can research these people and still find articles about their practices that are still used today. And more importantly, these practices were “blended” into Christianity! Taught by “magicians”…these mystical powers are used and considered to be part of the “healing ministry”. They tap into powers by chanting magical formula’s such as “Abracadabra”.
Do they have a direct bloodline akin to the Atlantean’s? Are these people the ancestors of Merovingian’s?
When We Began There Were Witchmen
Long ago, before books…traditions were told orally. This is how people didn’t forget. Some of these stories sounded so far-fetched that they were never written down…and I’m sure they were afraid of being shamed as insane.
When you hear of wars between tribes, or even within tribes…you will hear of the typical tools or weapons of choice but not like this! Verbal formulae (curses, incantations), physical acts (rituals), and herbal, mineral, and animal compounds (potions, medicines)–that are used to invoke specific supernatural powers. The words, actions, compounds themselves, even the person using them have power. These people have been cloaked in an aura of both respect and fear.
In all cases the weapons of choice were invocations, potions, and related rituals. A witchman’s curse that could stop one’s breath? Curses of ancestral spirits who heard every word spoken in the realm of the living.
Traditions tell of Meru speakers, who are called Urogi, which English speakers translate as witchcraft .
To the people of Meru, the “witchman,” “witch doctor,” “witch finder,” and other supernatural practitioners were real. They were said to use incantations, spells and rituals for their military. The supernatural Meru became a tribal secret. These men who tell of these rich legends are called, the Mugwe (tribal prophet). These legends are hardly spoken of now…in fact it’s said that Christians were the reason why. They came in and denounced any kind of activities such as these and were long forgotten by most…but not completely forgotten.
The Meru-speaking people live on or around Mount Kenya. There are actually nine subgroups that make up this tribe but for the most part these legends go back hundreds of years.
The younger of the Meru tribe revered the old and considered their knowledge as “wisdom seeds”. Instead of seeking war, they sought after wisdom.
Terms covered certain peoples:
Kiama – Elders oathing group – Elder Council
Mwiriga – Clusters of people for power/military – Ridgetop Community
Murogi – Curser/Placer of curses causing sickness – Witchman
Muga – Curse remover/professional – Witch Doctor
Urogi – Utilizes incantations, etc – Witchcraft
“We Murungi are like sparks within the cookfires. One by one we are going out.”
The evolving systems which these people used had been cultivated over three hundreds years, such as verbal formulae (curses, incantations), physical acts (rituals), and herbal, mineral, and animal compounds (potions, medicines) – that are used to invoke specific supernatural powers. Primarily used to invoke a response from the supernatural, and secondly used against rivals.
The Urogi traditions are not quasi-fiction. Their narrators spoke in such detail as only actual practitioners (or their victims) could. The hunting magic of “bite” and “blow,” the chanted, clanging curse that tribal smiths banged out on iron, the witchman’s curse to stop one’s breath: these details did not originate in their imaginations but had been taught them by their grandfathers and practiced throughout their lives. To the people of Meru, the “witchman,” “witch doctor,” “witch finder,” and other supernatural practitioners were real. They were men, now very old, with whom one could visit and from whom one could learn.
“We began on Mbwaa, a small island surrounded by water. No one remembers where it was, but it lay on the edge of a sea, at a place where the waters would go to eat grass.”
Could this actually be legends of Atlantis?
This references of water eating grass we obviously the times of the day when the tides rushed in and back out.
This was not just traditions of what these people held as sacred but a religion, meant to keep their rituals alive.
By implication, therefore, human conflict had both secular and supernatural significance. Because all violations of person or property were defined automatically as departures from ancestral tradition, they became the concern not merely of the instigators but also their families, clans, and ultimately the ancestors from whom everyone had descended.
This dual concept of justice reflected a philosophy in which the entire universe was believed to consist of earthly and supernatural spheres, each closely interwoven with its counterpart. Within these spheres elements were ranked in an organized hierarchy, according to the amount of life force they possessed. On earth humans were ranked higher than animals and plants. Among people, ranking was by age, with individuals possessing the power to command respect and obedience from those chronologically beneath them.
The supernatural, although only partially comprehensible to the living, contained identifiable elements that could be ranked in a similar manner. Highest among these was the concept of God. He was referred to only in the singular and envisioned as a distinct but remote entity. In contrast with Christian conceptions of an all-seeing god of love, the Meru god was essentially indifferent to mankind. If angered, He could withhold blessings. If placated by ritual, He could be beneficial. His relationship, however, was not with individuals but the tribe as a whole. He was thus considered beyond the reach of prayer by individuals or clans. His task had been to create and uphold the earthly framework within which people might live. Beyond this, no one could say.
Below God in the supernatural hierarchy were the spirits. These existed in various forms, representing the life force believed to be incarnate in all physical objects. This life force could inhabit pools, rocks, trees, and living creatures. It was considered undying; among humans it remained intact after the moment of death, leaving the body but retaining full awareness of its own identity and surroundings.
Collectively, these ancestral spirits were believed to resemble the living in several ways. They were said to look like normal humans, with each spirit retaining the age and physical characteristics of his or her body at the moment of death. They resided near the living, where they could pass continually and invisibly among their descendants and observe their development and growth.
Ancestral spirits differed from other elements of the supernatural in the frequency of their contacts with the living. These could take several forms, all concerned with the ancestor’s desire to prevent human deviation from traditional ways. Contact might seem accidental, occurring while the living gathered food or firewood. Its purpose, however, was to cause intense anxiety to the person concerned, as the mere fact of a spiritual appearance was believed to signal human misbehavior.
Contact might also be made through the family flocks and herds. The cow, in particular, was believed to be a vehicle through which a spirit might make contact with the living world. Usually, this took the form of deviant behavior, if the animal went mad, for example. In such instances it was assumed that ancestral spirits were once more warning someone in the clan against a possible transgression.
Spirits might also appear to their descendants through dreams, usually taking the dream form of a deceased grandparent. Invariably, the dream visitor delivered verbal warnings, intended either for the dreamer himself or for transmission to a kinsperson who was departing from tradition. Ultimately, the transgressor would have to either heed ancestral warnings or suffer the inevitable punishment.
Mugiro: The Curse
The spirits’ most frequent form of contact with the living was through placement of a “Mugiro,” or curse. A curse, within Meru tradition, is defined as a verbal wish to cause harm. It was delivered in the form of a singsong chant, usually at the top of the lungs. The words themselves were believed to be “alive,” in that they possessed an inherent life force of their own, able to inflict harm on the living. They could be uttered, however, only under one set of circumstances: when living persons violated some aspect of ancestral tradition causing communal conflict.
Intent was irrelevant. Acts of seduction, rape, murder, or property damage obviously engendered conflict. But (men) accidentally catching sight of women bathing, of scavenging hyenas, or of human corpses had the same effect. The first set of actions meant conflict with the living; the second set, with the ancestral spirits.
All human conflicts were believed to create similar disharmony among the spirits, who always hovered invisibly at the edge of their descendant’s lives. On one hand spirits might grow angry at their own descendants, should they depart from custom. On the other they might take sides in human quarrels, raging at those among the living who had harmed their kin.
Spirits were believed to respond to human conflict by cursing those who had angered them. The life force inherent within these words of the curse in turn placed their intended victim in a condition of “Mugiro,” or ritually created impurity. If not rapidly corrected, the condition itself, in its turn, automatically and inevitably brought personal calamity upon the individual involved. This could take any form: physical illness, sudden accident, economic disaster, or even instant death. It could strike not only the violator but also anyone connected with him or her, whether guilty or even aware of the original offense. Thus the condition carried danger not only to the original offender but also to his or her family, crops, herds, clan, and ultimately the entire community.
Understandably, therefore, the curse, with its assurance of both impurity and calamity, was universally feared, particularly true because the community’s concept of calamity assumed that the origin of any misfortune lay in someone’s curse. The placing of a Mugiro on any person, therefore, caused an instant and universal reaction within that person’s clan. The condition rendered victims impure to other members of society. They therefore shunned them, barring the victims from participation in communal activities, specifically those related to feasting, communal drinking, singing, and sex.
The society’s response to each ritually created state of impurity, therefore, was an equally ritualized ostracism. It could be terminated only by further ritual, initiated by the victims to remove the curse. This in turn required that they discover and resolve whatever conflicts had sprung from their departures from tradition, by reconciling with those directly concerned.
Cursing Rituals: The “Witchcraft” System
The third system that regulated Meru thought was composed of supernatural rituals. They were practiced by a fluctuating number of specialists, who dealt with varying aspects of the spirit world. Ideally, they were men of great age, grandfathers of the ruling elders, and thus well suited to advise their grandchildren in their tasks. Formally, they served as spokesmen for the oldest living age-set, men who had completed their period of “ruling” eldership and reached the stage (ritual elder) when they could turn their thoughts toward contact with the ancestors.
In theory each spirit specialist worked alone, living within a zone of social isolation created by the mysterious nature of his work. In fact the rituals they dealt with formed an integrated system of which even the practitioners were wholly unaware, whose cooperation with both spirits and Kiamas maintained the community at large.
The system functioned through fear. To avoid or minimize the possibility of conflict with either living persons or ancestral spirits, an individual might seek the services of an appropriate specialist. Some of these were notable in every clan, men who were consistently able to perform whatever rituals were needed to invoke ancestral response.
Ugwe, Uroria: Prophecy
Foremost among the Meru supernatural rituals were those of prophecy, practiced by individuals whose contact with the supernatural enabled them to glimpse the future. In Meru tradition the term prophet had two meanings. One followed the biblical conception of a single man selected by God to transmit His word to an entire people. This task was filled by one individual during every generation who assumed the title of “Mugwe” (transmitter of blessings). His role was to serve as intermediary for his people, invoking God’s blessing for each significant communal action and interpreting His wishes for the people as a whole.15
The term prophet could also refer to one who had the skill of foretelling, an examination of the future to avoid calamity. Most clans had several foretellers (Aroria; sing.: Muroria) who could be consulted by persons concerned with evading calamity in impending marriage, warfare, harvest, or trade.
Foretelling typically took two forms, examining goats and interpreting dreams. An individual anxious about some aspect of the future approached a Muroria with the traditional fee, usually livestock. “Foretellers of goats” then slaughtered the animal, examining its internal organs for signs of ancestral displeasure. “Foretellers of dreams” interpreted them and explained to the dreamer how to avoid impending harm. In both cases spirits directly ancestral to the prophet concerned were believed responsible for the answer. If misfortune was seen as inevitable, both types of seer could provide rituals appropriate to forestall it.
Of course, calamity could strike despite ritual precautions. Alternatively, one member of the community might harm another despite all prognostications. In such instances the injured party, angered by either real or imagined violations, could place a Mugiro (curse) directly on his or her enemy. In imitation of the ancestors this was done verbally. The curse could take two forms. It could be a plea to one’s own ancestors: “Spirit of my grandfather, let he who has harmed me sicken.” Or it could be hurled directly against the enemy, relying on the life force inherent in the words: “He who has wronged me, let him sicken.” In either case the victims of such a formal curse would find themselves in a condition of impurity and be forced to choose between acts of expiation or social ostracism and impending calamity.
Anyone could place a curse. Children could do so only against others in their age groups, women only against their own sex. Men, however, could curse anyone, and as they aged (thus growing closer to the ancestors) the power of their curses intensified. That power could be further increased by collective action. Thus in serious conflicts an entire elders’ council might assemble to chant somber maledictions against a single individual, whose transgression against some aspect of tradition threatened them all.
If the conflict between two people intensified, however, they might seek aid from a second type of ritualist, one who specialized in placing curses for others. In Ki-Meru (Meru language) these were called Arogi (cursers, sorcerers, ritual poisoners; sing.: Murogi). Officially, they had no place within society, for no one would admit knowledge of their work. In fact everyone knew of the curser’s services and sought them as often as required.
The rituals of cursing were passed from father to son. Traditionally, practitioners concealed their skills from the community by posing as a different type of specialist. At night, however, they stole away from inhabited areas to gather plants, minerals, and animal organs known to be toxic. They then ground these to powder or burnt them to ash, then placed the residue in a series of tiny containers, usually made from shells, gourds, bamboo, or animal horn. The collection was placed in goatskin carrying cases, then stored for future use.
The curser worked only on request. A party to some conflict would approach his hut at night, requesting vengeance and bearing the gifts required in such instances by custom. In response the specialist would mix his powdered substances with goat blood, symbolic of conflict, then place them in a ritually broken gourd. Typically, he then buried the gourd near the homestead of the intended victim, with one edge exposed to ensure its discovery. The curser then marched, alone or accompanied by others, a specified number of times around the victim’s homestead, chanting a single meaningless sound intended to gain the attention of every listener in range (e.g., “tui-i-i, tui-i-i, tui-i-i”).
The curse followed the chant. It was phrased in general terms (“Let he who has harmed us . . .”), naming neither specific individuals nor particular transgressions. The intention, obviously, was to strike fear in everyone within the homestead, because anyone might inadvertently have transgressed tradition.
At first glance the curser seems pointlessly malevolent, a figure most akin to the diabolical witch or warlock of European tradition. On one hand his rituals were specifically meant to induce fear of impending calamity. On the other they were clearly for hire, extending the specialized placement of curses into every corner of society. Through the presence of a Murogi any man could be a “witchman,” placing maledictions on the enemy of his choice.
It seems inadequate, however, to dismiss the curser as nothing more than the Meru parallel to a modern hired gun. In fact cursers were of far more value to Meru society than as simple channels for personal vengeance. Nor were they in any way malevolent. Rather they served as social catalysts, using verbal ritual to create the need for counterrituals, to undo what had been done. These, in turn, provided the basis for still other rituals, creating a ripple effect throughout society, until the conflict that had appeared among its members had been wholly reconciled.
Uga: Curse Removal
Clearly, the very existence of ritualized cursing required the development of equally potent rituals to counteract its effects. An individual might first become aware of a curse by actually hearing it chanted or by finding a gourd filled with “magic” powders at the rear of a hut. More frequently, one would recognize the Mugiro through the onset of physical symptoms known to the entire community as evidence of either human or ancestral malevolence. The most common of these was internal pain, its location in the body indicating the type of transgression that had occurred. Chest pains, for example, suggested adultery; pain in the fingers indicated theft.
General physical symptoms that lacked obvious explanation (e.g., fever or nausea) might also be attributed to someone’s curse, as would the absence of other symptoms, for example a woman’s consistent failure to conceive a child. By extension the same reason might be accepted for other personal misfortunes, including crop failure, livestock loss, or attack by predators. The onset of any ill fortune could mean that the victim had been cursed.
The first reaction of an afflicted individual was to remove the curse before the threatened calamity could possibly occur. The initial step in that process was to approach a member of the class of supernaturalists skilled in the rituals of “Uga” (curse removal, ritualized healing). This third group of specialists were known as “Aga” (curse removers, ritual healers; sing.: Muga).
The first stages of Uga rituals were similar to those of cursing, in that the practitioners searched remote forest regions for the mineral, plant, and animal matter that formed the core of their rites. The curse removers also reduced their acquisitions to ash or powder, storing them in tiny tubes of bamboo, gourd, or antelope horn and carried them about in special goatskin bags that were used for no other purpose.
The curse remover also resembled the curser in that he too worked only on request. Typically, the afflicted individual approached his hut with gifts of livestock. The ritualist responded by blending several of his magic powders into an unbroken gourd, meant deliberately to contrast with the broken vessel of the curser and thus signify his more benign intention.
The remover might also demonstrate his intended benevolence by publicly tasting his own medicines, licking the powders from his fingers in the presence of onlookers. Here, too, the purpose was to prove that his own preparations contained nothing harmful to the living and were intended only to remove impurity and to heal. These demonstrations were intended to combat widespread suspicions that many curse removers were cursers as well.
With his credentials established, the curse remover could begin the rituals of Uga. One of the oldest began with the slaughter of goats received in payment from the victim. The Muga would then unravel the intestines, inspecting them for signs indicating ancestral disapproval. If none were found, he wound the organs deliberately around the victim’s body, binding arms, wrists, and knees. Next he cut the entrails from the body and buried them while chanting rituals of removal: “Let the curse be cut as I cut these strings [intestines]. Let the impurity be buried as I bury these remains.” The healer’s purpose, of course, was symbolically to remove the feeling of impurity from the victim’s mind, thus dissipating whatever psychological anxieties it had produced. The resulting physical symptoms inevitably disappeared as well.
Uringia: Curse Detection
Rites of removal could not in themselves eliminate the anxieties of the individual concerned. No victim of a verbal curse could feel fully secure until certain who had caused it, whether human or spirit. Failure to seek out the ultimate cause of that agent’s anger would simply lead to reimposition of the curse, thus reinforcing rather than resolving the conflict between them.
A victim’s next step, therefore, was to approach still another type of specialist, this one skilled in the rituals of (“Uringia,” or curse detection or divination). Curse detectors (Aringia; sing.: Muringia) differed in their methods of detection and even in the problems they resolved. One might specialize in detecting livestock losses, a second in locating thieves, a third in learning who had committed adultery. The purpose of these practitioners was to identify the originators, living or ancestral, of each human calamity, thereby allowing the victim to undertake whatever further rituals might be required to appease them.
The detection process had two stages. The first involved a public interrogation. A male victim, for example, having presented a noted curse detector with sufficient numbers of livestock, was asked to describe the misfortune that had befallen him, as well as his own suspicions as to its origin. The specialist then publicly inquired into the victim’s past activities, focusing on behavior that had been most likely to provoke conflict with others in the community: “Have you spoken to any elder in such a manner as to anger him? Have you spoken to any woman in such a manner as to anger men within her family?”
Since the interrogation was public, both victim and diviner were inevitably surrounded by a crowd of interested and highly vocal spectators. These performed an essential part in the process, qualifying the victim’s own convictions as to his previous behavior with a continuous flow of often derogatory comments. For example, an adulterous male would be prone to deny all interest in the woman concerned. In such instances the watchers served as a necessary corrective, laughingly calling out incident after incident in which the two alleged lovers had gone off alone.
The interrogation could continue for hours or even days. Its purpose was gradually to expose each instance of the victim’s social behavior, and thereby, identify each ancestral or living individual he might have antagonized. It was considered complete when the number of potential suspects, whether ancestral or human, had been reduced to two or three.
At this point the actual divination began. The Muringia, or diviner, had several methods. One involved filling a single gourd with several powders, which the Muringia mixed together with appropriate chants. The diviner then selected a number of objects (e.g., sticks, beads, pebbles), each of which symbolized a possible suspect. If the living were suspected, he gave each object the name of a living person; if spirits, the identity of a known ancestor.
The Muringia next dropped the objects into the gourd, where he covered them with the powders, the contact serving to intensify their power. The diviner shook the gourd and asked it: “Was it he who . . .?” He then cast the objects in the gourd onto the ground and determined the answer from the pattern in which they fell.
Victims were free to vary the process in an effort to test a diviner’s skill. They could rotate the names assigned to specific objects, request that new ones be chosen, insert the names of additional suspects, or try to divert the line of questioning. Similarly, the diviner was free to vary the process in whatever manner he felt was required to demonstrate his supernatural capacities. Once he reached a conclusion using one set of objects, he collected a second group and repeated the process. The repetitions continued until diviner, victim, and onlookers had agreed on two points. One was the ultimate source of the curse, whether spirit or man. The second was the ultimate reason for the curser’s anger.
Returning To Kiama: The Rituals Of Reconciliation
Only after acquiring knowledge of the source of and reason for a curse could victims pass through the final steps of this process, those of judgment, redress, and reconciliation. If a curse had been imposed through ancestral anger, the diviner himself could arrange appropriate rituals of redress, typically the sacrifice of more livestock. If the agent was human, the victims had two further choices. One was to seek supernatural redress, usually by placing a curse in turn on whomever the diviner had named. This, however, would also intensify conflict within the community and thus cause universal social condemnation.
Alternatively, victims could seek earthly redress for their sufferings through appeal to an appropriate Kiama. Any male adult could call a meeting of his council. If one man accused a second of having cursed him, citing the diviner’s work as proof, the incident might be swiftly settled by the accused admitting his guilt and placating the victim by payment of livestock. In such cases the elders decided the size and frequency of payment and saw that it was made. More frequently, the accused denied his guilt. Or he might admit it but justify his act by citing prior harm inflicted by the victim. In such instances the elders’ council passed judgment. If they failed to reach a verdict, the ancestors themselves were consulted for a final decision, the secular and supernatural combining in search of truth.
A Kiama had three tools at its disposal that permitted contact with the spirits in questions of justice. The first was the ancestral oath. Meru tradition defined the oath as a public declaration, in which individuals staked every facet of their existence on the truth of the words they uttered. One’s oath was directed both to members of one’s own community and to the always listening ancestors. As always, the words, once spoken, acquired a life force of their own. If they were false, they angered both the living and the dead, creating the preconditions for calamity.
The Kiama’s second tool was livestock sacrifice. Goats, sheep, and cattle were considered points of contact between the spirits and humankind, living channels through which both sides expressed their wishes. Ancestors showed displeasure by driving animals mad or into unnatural acts of behavior. The living, in turn, could contact the ancestral realm by sacrificing animals, thereby propelling them into the spirit world as message bearers.
The message carried in such cases was a public oath. It was usually linked to a specific pattern of renunciation—often sexual—until its terms had been fulfilled: “If I lie, may this oath kill me. If I touch a woman before one [cycle of the] moon, may this oath kill me.” Livestock sacrifice and personal renunciation were both deemed necessary to attract the spirits’ attention. Those concerned were believed to join in a council of their own in which they passed judgment on the words of their descendant, sending or withholding calamity according to the interpretation of the victim’s vow.
The Kiama’s third tool was trial by ordeal. If unable to reach a collective decision, the elders could appeal for ancestral intervention, a higher judgment on the conflict. The ordeal, in fact, was little more than a variation of the public oath, but physical pain rather than renunciation drew ancestral attention to a public vow. It was a final resort, used only when the eldest of the elders found themselves unable to reach consensus on matters crucial to communal harmony.
There were several ordeals, each intended to symbolize whatever violation had been committed. In one of the oldest, for example, individuals accused of murder were asked to drink water from the victim’s skull, then proclaim their innocence regarding the victim’s death. If they were guilty, the water itself was believed to join forces with the words of their oaths to kill them in turn.
The most common, however, was the ordeal of iron. It was initiated by the oldest member of an elders’ council, whose nearness to death (and thus to the spirit world) was believed able to induce the ancestors to intervene. Acting in both secular and supernatural capacities, this elder first heated a bar of iron (often a sword) in a huge fire. Seizing it, he raised the iron skyward, gesturing symbolically toward the hovering spirits and calling in his capacity as council elder for their judgment on the case in question. Having allegedly gained their attention, he slowly licked the iron across its entire length and chanted the appropriate oath: “If I am guilty in the matter, let this iron burn me.” He then displayed an unburned tongue to the watching elders, thereby symbolically establishing both the effectiveness of his appeal to the spirits and his own noninvolvement or impartiality in the case.
Victims and suspects each followed suit, symbolically laying their families, herds, crops, and indeed every facet of their lives at the disposal of the ancestors by inviting their vengeance as punishment for untruths. Each oath taker was then inspected for burns. If one suffered more than the others, it was taken as ancestral indication of that person’s guilt. If all seemed to have suffered equally, victims and suspects alike were proclaimed ritually impure. Thereafter, they were excluded from communal and sexual activities until the inevitable onset of calamity defined the guilt.
Once a decision was reached, whether by elders’ debate or ancestral acts of vengeance, individuals judged guilty were required to make adequate restitution for the harm they had caused, thus restoring the harmony between themselves and their antagonists. The first step was payment of some portion of one’s property to the aggrieved party, invariably in livestock, with the numbers rising in proportion to the seriousness of the offense.
The second step involved another livestock payment, this time to the elders’ council that had sat in judgment. The animals delivered included sheep, symbolic of the guilty individual’s desire for reconciliation. The meat was eaten not only by council elders but also by parties to the conflict, the act of shared feasting serving to symbolize the desire of those present to restore the harmony that had previously existed among them. Ancestral concurrence with the council’s judgment was assured by a symbolic “third payment.” Here, small portions of the meat were set aside on wooden skewers at appropriate moments throughout the feasting for the spirits to savor at their leisure, thereby transmitting their acceptance of the quarrel’s end.
Three Systems: Meru Social Controls
There are certain similarities between the three systems of thought that guided the Meru and those operating among other Bantu-speaking peoples. All have been based on the premise that ancestral spirits exist, keep in contact with the living, and respond to human situations. Many believed, as in Meru, that every social deviation brought on their anger. Those societies therefore responded to these beliefs by developing secular, spiritual, and ritual systems designed to regulate conflict.
The role of the elders’ council in these systems has received adequate investigation, and several studies have been made of the East African spirit world. Less has been written, however, about the cursing rituals and those who practice them. Throughout the colonial era, African specialists in every aspect of the supernatural were lumped together as witch doctors and dismissed as practitioners of witchcraft. That day has passed, but even modern African nations have not progressed beyond belated legal recognition of curse removers—now dubbed “herbalists” and valued not for their rituals but for the medicinal value of their wares. All other specialists remain in limbo, condemned for generalized malevolence and thus confined to books about the past.It may be time, therefore, to reexamine the redeeming social value of the curse itself, as well as the degree to which all of its practitioners were integrated into both the spiritual and secular sides of communal life, solely to uphold the social order. Certainly, it may be time to evaluate this possibility within a single tribe, on the assumption that trends occurring in one society may also appear in others.
In Meru, for example, supernatural practitioners certainly did not work in isolation from one another, whatever tradition may suggest. On the contrary they not only cooperated but also covertly practiced one anothers specialties, assuming whatever role their work required. Nor, despite the testimony of tradition, were they either isolated from or in opposition to the community at large. Even those agents that tradition claimed as entirely malevolent (the cursers) had roles identical to those of their allegedly benevolent counterparts, so that both functioned to make the larger system work.
At an individual level each specialist, regardless of his malevolence, gave other people feelings of security, by permitting them to believe at least temporarily that they could manipulate the supernatural forces on which they so depended to explain calamity within their lives. At the communal level ritualists interacted with both Kiama elders and ancestral spirits to make up a single, three-stranded system blending secular and spiritual justice in ways at least roughly comparable to our own.
Within the framework of this larger system, concepts such as prophecy, cursing, curse removal, and divination meshed with those of public interrogation, livestock sacrifice, trial by ordeal, and communal decisions. Their purpose, simply stated, was to manage social conflict: to channel, publicize, redress, and finally reconcile each case of individual contention as it appeared, by redirecting it into the hands of specialized practitioners at the moment it became violent and thus visible to society as a whole.
A cuckolded husband, for example, might wish to kill a suspected lover. Alternatively, he could seek the ritual services of a specialist. By accepting this responsibility, the curser, curse remover, and all the others of their class functioned solely to maintain communal stability and continuous survival, making what the British would later label “witchcraft” the servant of society.
Society’s second servant was the curse. Meru tradition maintains that its only purpose was to express hostility, in the form of a wish to cause physical harm. It seems evident, however, that resolution, not revenge, was intended. Someone angry enough to curse another—whether personally or through a specialist—was, in fact, publicizing a state of conflict between himself (or herself) and a specific enemy. This exposure, furthermore, was meant to force that enemy to take actions which would reveal that conflict to the community in a manner that could ensure its eventual resolution.
A cuckolded husband, for example, unable either to stop the suspected infidelities of his wife or discern the identity of her lover, might seek the services of a cursing specialist to cast a generalized curse. Superficially, the verbal intent would be purely malevolent: “He who has harmed me, let his chest burst from pains. . . .” The underlying intent, however, would be not physically to destroy the lover but force him to reveal his activities. This revelation would be ritualized so as to not only stifle the actual transgression by publicizing it but also gain the husband material redress (livestock) for the harm that had been done. In short, the formal curse was intended neither to harm nor destroy. Its purpose was to serve justice.
Three underlying principles within the cursing system support this contention. One is that every curse, regardless of its origin, could swiftly be removed by a visit to the appropriate supernatural specialist. Several of these existed within every clan. Obviously, with supernatural assistance instantly available, no one was expected to sicken and die.
A second principle can be found in the practice of giving such aid only in exchange for specified fees. Each stage in the entire process required the sacrifice of considerable numbers of livestock, whether to the various specialists or to the elders involved in final judgments and reconciliation. Clearly, every Meru must have realized that violation of social norms would lead eventually to heavy economic loss.
The third principle lies in the series of social, sexual, and spiritual sanctions that acted to ensure universal participation in the system. The ritualized isolation must have been particularly painful to a communally oriented people like the Meru, and the loneliness of separation, as well as sexual pressures, would in themselves have acted to spur victims into swift and decisive action. To have refused or evaded full participation at any stage would have exposed the entire community to the same psychological stresses as the victims, lest they too be implicated in the inevitable disaster. To relieve their own anxieties, they would have forced recalcitrants into action. Under such circumstances refusal to participate in the required rituals would have been psychologically impossible.
The formal curse, then, and by implication the entire system of supernatural specialization, was something far different from what colonial observers understood as undirected malevolence “witchcraft.”
[I have skipped forward]
Illegal Tribunals And Secret Societies
During these years, colonial officials also became increasingly troubled by the emergence of a third type of witchcraft, which also seemed to have taken the form of a secret society. Labeled variously in official reports as “witchcraft tribunals,” “illegal tribunals,” “secret societies,” or “witchcraft guilds,” these groups were alleged to hold trials, pass judgments, and levy punishments in the form of cattle fines within remote areas of Tigania and Igembe. They were believed to enforce each decision by the threat of bewitchment through fearsome curses.
When We Began There Were Witchmen
More about these people……………….
“He adds: ‘’Look at these churches being started by our people. They are aimed at financial prosperity and and that is why they turn to even witchcraft and illuminati to prosper’’.”
Juju Central: Why Kikuyus are turning to witchcraft for business
I am no witch doctor, Meru man says after Kiraitu, Aburi ‘prank’ backfires
Drama as man bares ‘mum’s witchcraft’
Father banned from clan for using witchcraft to curse children
PDF – Witchcraft – a form of resistance
Tuatha de Danann
Mount Meru exists at the same time in both the physical and the spiritual plane! A golden palace of the gods is located on top. Many cultures speak of it, and some even call it by the same name but describe it as a “world tree”.
Some believe Meru is a stargate by which supernatural entities pass. It’s even said that Jesus visited this place…but by no means is this the Jesus of The Bible! It’s that Ascended Master, Sananda.
The veil was blue, purple and scarlet linen. It was made (or by) angels and hung from four pillars of wood overlaid with gold. It shielded and connected the High Priest with God. Veil or gate?
It is also believed that the Ziggurat or ancient pyramids originated from Meru.
Mount Meru – Hell and Paradise on One Mountain
Mountains of the World
Druids (Daru-vid meaning skilled) men of the Oak Trees who came from Hyperboria. Druids were the cult of Magi (3 Wise Men) Serpents (Druid Instructors).
Mount Meru home of the Blessed Ones the people of Saba, wise blood were Druids/Daravids the People of the Pillar. The “pillar” are not just obelisks, and statues but are actual “flying ships”.
Scala ‘wise men’ or witches! You decide. Scala means ladder or flight of steps. Lit means to light or illuminate.
I know it was a long one! But, I had to put those sections in to validate the truth. Witchcraft has been around for thousands of years and has exponentially increased in these last days, this is the reason for so much hate, cold hearts and pure evil.
Lastly, I do think this all ties into the Merovingian madness. If not by blood, then by their willingness to teach witchcraft (under the table) and to hand down this wicked custom.